Politics πŸ€‘ Donald Trump

Agree with all of this and appears to be where NZ is stuck now. Stagnation and inflation.

Is it a chicken and egg situation though. Spending while at capacity cannot be actioned effectively as we’ve hit the limits to action it?

Aren’t low hanging fruit like getting more under employed into work, a focus on technology that can do more work with less, releasing land for housing, the RMA, open access to resource extraction, prioritise free trade deals, etc.
As I said earlier, a lot of what’s being described as β€œcapacity limits” aren’t natural ceilings. They’re the result of recent policy choices that cut public investment, cancelled projects, and weakened delivery institutions. That matters, because it changes how we should think about sequencing and what action is actually possible.
Spending blindly into constraints doesn’t work. But using constraints as a reason for inaction is backwards. Capacity isn’t fixed. It varies by sector and is shaped by past policy decisions.
When I say β€œexpand productive capacity”, I mean the practical things that let the economy produce more real goods and services without jamming up: workers, skills, energy, transport, housing, health services, and the institutions that make those systems function. Much of this is collective infrastructure. When it’s missing or underbuilt, costs lift everywhere. When it’s in good shape, businesses can operate with less friction and lower cost.

So if we’re looking for genuine low-hanging fruit in NZ, it isn’t abstract. It’s clear where capacity is binding and where immediate Govt action would expand it.

Health workforce and training capacity.
Make primary healthcare properly free at the point of use. Expand training places, stabilise hiring, and reduce burnout. Close the pay and conditions gap with Australia so staff stop leaving. Health capacity affects labour supply, productivity, and costs across the economy over time. A weak health system is a cost of living pressure in its own right.

Housing, local Govt funding for consenting and infrastructure.
Councils are financially penalised for growth. They carry the cost of consenting teams, compliance, and major infrastructure, and mostly fund it through rates. That pushes up housing costs and fees without expanding capacity. Direct central Govt funding for planning capacity and associated infrastructure would unblock housing delivery far more reliably than RMA reform alone. A dedicated infrastructure fund for local Govt would lower the rates burden and remove a major choke point to development.

Energy generation and grid capacity.
Cheap, reliable power lowers costs everywhere. When upgrades are delayed or supply is tight, it shows up in power bills first, then across the wider economy. If you want high leverage, this is it.

Transport and logistics, especially rail and ferries.
NZ’s freight system is fragile. Rail is constrained, ports are under pressure, and the Cook Strait is a single point of failure. When freight is inefficient, households pay for it through food and consumer prices.
The cancelled rail-enabled ferry programme is a clear example of capacity being cut, not expanded. Sunk costs were written off and reliance on ageing vessels was extended well past their use by date. Rail-enabled ferries and port upgrades aren’t optional.
Mode-shift infrastructure belongs in the same bucket. Safe cycle networks and reliable public transport are cheap compared to the cost of congestion. Every person who can walk, bike, or use public transport is one less car on the road. That frees road space for freight, trades, and people who genuinely need to drive. This isn’t about forcing behaviour. It’s basic efficiency. Congestion is a productivity tax.

Food supply, pricing, and resilience.
Food is expensive here for structural reasons. Supermarket concentration is extreme, logistics costs are baked in, and domestic pricing often gets dragged toward export linked pricing even when local supply is fine. There are policy tools available to ease this without undermining exports. Breaking supermarket market power, improving logistics, and supporting domestic supply for domestic consumption would move the needle on food prices quickly.

Skills, apprenticeships, and R&D.
Make training and education free. Build skills pipelines that line up with long term projects, not stop-start cycles. Increase R&D funding and stop treating universities as an afterthought. Skills and innovation aren’t optional. They’re part of the productive base. When they’re thin, growth doesn’t get far before it stalls.

Primary education, school participation and support.
Expanding school lunches improves attendance, learning outcomes, and long-term workforce quality. It also helps families right now with cost of living pressures. Properly funding primary education, backing teachers, and meaningfully funding ECE strengthens capacity across the entire economy. The cost of raising a family in NZ is extreme, and policy choices are a big part of that.

None of this is exotic. It’s the unglamorous foundation the private sector builds on.
So when people say β€œfocus on productivity before spending”, this is what that looks like in practice. Productivity doesn’t appear by magic. It comes from infrastructure, skills, energy, health, food systems, and institutions that lower real costs and reduce bottlenecks.
Freezing or cutting public investment because we think we’re β€œat capacity” doesn’t fix the constraint. It hardens it. Then every attempt at growth runs back into the same inflation and bottleneck story.
That’s how NZ stays stuck between stagnation and inflation β€” not because the Govt can’t act, but because it keeps stepping back from the parts of the economy everything else depends on.
 

NZWarriors.com

Without doing any research cos I'm lazy, do you know which parties currently meet most of your points above, in terms of their messaging of what they intend to do in future if they were to get in power?

Regardless of whether they'd actually do any of their promises, of course, cos politics gonna politic. πŸ˜…
 
With 68-75% of debt held domestically and 25-32% foreign owned, is there a chance that the risk gets to high at some point for all involved? And also your post about creating money, with debts at those levels of America currently with money creation as a contributing factor, is it being used wisely in your view or wasted?
I haven’t had time to read the Forbes article, but I can probably guess the framing, who holds the debt, how big the number is, and whether that creates risk.

On who holds US debt:
Domestic versus foreign ownership doesn’t create a solvency risk. The US issues debt in its own currency. US Treasuries are bought in USD and interest is paid in USD. The same applies to NZ Govt bonds. That’s the crucial feature of sovereign bonds issued in a country’s own currency.
Foreign holders own Treasuries because they want a safe USD asset, not because the US needs their money to spend. If foreign demand fell, the adjustment would show up through prices, yields, or the exchange rate, not through an inability to pay. The real risk here isn’t β€œtoo much debt”, it’s political dysfunction and rule instability.

On money creation and whether it’s being used well:
Money creation itself isn’t the problem. It’s how the system works. The issue is what the money is used for.
Too much spending has flowed into asset prices, rents, and financial markets instead of expanding real productive capacity. Healthcare is a good example. The US already spends more per capita than any other country, but without a universal public system those dollars don’t deliver better outcomes. They translate into higher costs, weaker access, and a less resilient workforce.

So the risk isn’t debt levels or money creation per se. It’s misallocation and weak institutions, which create instability. Treating this like a household debt problem leads to austerity, which makes those risks worse, not better.
 

NZWarriors.com

I haven’t had time to read the Forbes article, but I can probably guess the framing, who holds the debt, how big the number is, and whether that creates risk.

On who holds US debt:
Domestic versus foreign ownership doesn’t create a solvency risk. The US issues debt in its own currency. US Treasuries are bought in USD and interest is paid in USD. The same applies to NZ Govt bonds. That’s the crucial feature of sovereign bonds issued in a country’s own currency.
Foreign holders own Treasuries because they want a safe USD asset, not because the US needs their money to spend. If foreign demand fell, the adjustment would show up through prices, yields, or the exchange rate, not through an inability to pay. The real risk here isn’t β€œtoo much debt”, it’s political dysfunction and rule instability.

On money creation and whether it’s being used well:
Money creation itself isn’t the problem. It’s how the system works. The issue is what the money is used for.
Too much spending has flowed into asset prices, rents, and financial markets instead of expanding real productive capacity. Healthcare is a good example. The US already spends more per capita than any other country, but without a universal public system those dollars don’t deliver better outcomes. They translate into higher costs, weaker access, and a less resilient workforce.

So the risk isn’t debt levels or money creation per se. It’s misallocation and weak institutions, which create instability. Treating this like a household debt problem leads to austerity, which makes those risks worse, not better.
I know the debts in your own currency but doesn’t mismanaging debt lead to loss of confidence from markets, worse exchange rates and causing real world issues?

It’s not a solvency issue but won’t the economic system punishing poor governance?
 
Without doing any research cos I'm lazy, do you know which parties currently meet most of your points above, in terms of their messaging of what they intend to do in future if they were to get in power?

Regardless of whether they'd actually do any of their promises, of course, cos politics gonna politic. πŸ˜…
I had a self-imposed exile from these political subforums last year. I promised myself that if I came back, I’d approach these discussions in a less confrontational and more constructive way. So this question is naturally a bit loaded – people are pretty wedded to their political team(s). This is probably where the thread turns on me. Lol.

Short answer: the Greens are the closest to articulating this framework, even if they don’t always use the same language.
Their fiscal strategy explicitly shifts the focus away from arbitrary debt targets and toward real economic capacity, underinvestment risk, and productive public investment. They treat infrastructure, health, education, climate resilience, and skills not as β€œcosts” to be minimised, but as foundations that determine productivity, resilience, and long-term fiscal sustainability. Where they come unstuck is that they still largely operate within a tax-then-spend mindset, which keeps part of the orthodox frame intact. I’ve linked their Fiscal Strategy document below – it’s genuinely worth a read if you have the time.

Labour, in practice, still operates largely inside orthodox fiscal constraints. While it supports public investment rhetorically, policy is framed through debt ceilings, surplus targets, and β€œaffordability” in a household sense. Like the Greens, it follows a tax-then-spend framing, which ultimately limits how far they can push policy, even when the diagnosis is partly right.
National, ACT, and to a lesser extent NZ First appear firmly orthodox. We can see this in the current term: debt and spending are treated as primary risks, fiscal tightening is prioritised, and delivery is pushed onto the market despite clear capacity constraints. That worldview is internally consistent, but only if you accept household-style debt assumptions and debunked ideas like crowding out, which don’t reflect how the economy actually functions. From there, it assumes the state should step back from building capacity, even though that withdrawal is what creates the bottlenecks in the first place.

Whether any party would fully deliver on this in government is a separate question. But analytically, the Greens are the only ones clearly challenging the underlying fiscal frame, rather than just rearranging priorities within it.

 
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